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Jared Abbott is a researcher at the Center for Working-Class Politics and a contributor to Jacobin and Catalyst: A Journal of Theory and Strategy.
Today advocacy groups and consultants influence political parties more than voters and members. In The Great Retreat, political scientist Didi Kuo shows that this has hollowed out democracy and facilitated the rise of the Right.
There’s no forging a durable working-class progressive coalition without winning back the blue-collar working class.
Third Way Democrats are right to obsess over the Democrats’ increasing troubles with working-class voters. But their solution is more of the Clintonian economic centrism that drove away working-class voters in the first place.
To win competitive districts, left-wing candidates must challenge both economic oligarchy and cultural elitism.
Dealignment from the Democratic Party now extends to every demographic group.
Pressed by influential corporate advisors, Kamala Harris ran away from a winning economic populist message and ended up losing a campaign. We have the proof.
All of a sudden, mainstream politicians and pundits are talking about class dealignment in American elections. We at Jacobin have published on dealignment for years — and wrote a short guide about why it’s such a pressing political issue.
A new book, Polarized by Degrees, argues that college-educated voters have come to dominate the Democratic Party and cultural institutions while Americans without a college degree feel increasingly alienated by the party’s technocratic worldview.
Dealignment from the Democratic Party now extends to every working-class demographic group. Here’s some important data that shows the depth of the problem.
Trump’s strength with non-college-educated voters is sinking progressives.
Racism and xenophobia are a part of why so many ordinary workers were won over to Donald Trump, but that’s far from the whole story. A careful study breaks down how Trump spoke to economic grievances and personal experiences.
Contrary to what you’ve heard, progressives actually can reach rural voters.
In Left Behind, economist Paul Collier tells a convincing tale of how market fundamentalism created inequality. He offers welcome solutions to global and regional disparities — but gives little attention to the kind of politics required to realize his aims.
The evidence is overwhelming: workers are abandoning the Democrats and center-left parties around the world. Class dealignment is radically changing politics, and the Left needs a program to win the working class.
The New York Times’ David Leonhardt has written a compelling overview of the improbable rise and spectacular fall of the New Deal order. But he understates the difficulty in reviving a form of American social democracy.
A new study examines the Democratic rhetorical and campaigning failures that may help Republicans entrench their position as the new party of the American working class.
It’s tempting to see America’s declining religiosity as nothing but good news for the Democrats. The real picture is more complicated.
A new study clearly shows that Democratic candidates aren’t embracing progressive economic demands. Is it any wonder why more and more working-class people are tuning these politicians out?
Class dealignment posits that Democrats have been losing working-class voters in favor of middle- and upper-class voters. Is this actually happening? And to what extent is it a problem?
Lainey Newman and Theda Skocpol’s Rust Belt Union Blues makes a compelling case that left-wing success in the rust belt depends on reviving the presence and stature of unions — and the sense of social connection they offer — in local communities.